Liberty, Equality Aren’t Mutually Exclusive

This Sunday, in our rich conversation with Danielle Allen, she referenced an opinion piece she wrote for the Washington Post last week that looks at the issues of liberty and equality.  I think you will enjoy reading her editorial.  And stay tuned, I will post audio highlights from our call soon.


Liberty, equality aren’t mutually exclusive

October 17

Danielle Allen, a professor at the Institute of Advanced Study, is author of the book “Our Declaration.” She is at @dsallenIAS on Twitter.


One cause of our trouble is that we have come to believe that liberty and equality are in conflict, and this affects our policy debates. This misunderstanding began in reaction to Marx, took hold during the Cold War and found new strength in today’s libertarianism. But it’s wrong — and until we return to understanding how liberty and equality reinforce each other, we’re not going to solve our problems.

For millennia, political thinkers understood equality and liberty as concepts that provided mutual support. The ancient Athenians, who invented formal democracy, also conjured up the concepts of “equality before the law” and “an equal right to speak.” They opened political participation to all men regardless of economic status, while naming naval vessels things such as Eleutheria, or “Freedom.” The republican citizenry of ancient Rome conducted its politics under the banner of “equal liberty” and celebrated a mixed constitution that, as Cicero wrote, had “enough power in the magistracies, enough authority in the advice given by leading citizens, and enough liberty in the people.” For a time, that mixed constitution brought “equality,” “something free men are hardly able to do without for very long,” as he put it. The United States’ founding similarly drew liberty and equality together. In Abraham Lincoln’s formulation, the new nation was “conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.”

The obvious flies in the nectar —slavery and patriarchy — actually reinforce these conceptual points. Those who were not equal were not free and vice versa.

Among citizen men, in Athens, Rome and America, equality and liberty were concepts understood to support and sustain each other. Bonds of political and social equality among the citizens were necessary to forge institutions that would protect each individually from domination by the others and all together from domination by external powers.

Up through the early 19th century, the search for definitions of popular government and the welfare of the people (or salus populi, to quote Cicero and Locke) yielded a diversity of approaches to equality. The ancient Athenians, for instance, and the early modern Americans, focused on political and social equality. The French cared about both of those but also pursued equalizing economic policies. There was, in short, a centuries-long fluidity of analysis around the concepts of liberty and equality — but also a basic orientation toward their fundamental harmony.

This disappeared with the rise of communism. Marx’s famous words, “A spectre is haunting Europe,” introduced an age that assimilated the belief that liberty and equality stand opposed. That age is with us still in the form of contemporary libertarianism.

In the “Communist Manifesto” of 1848 Marx wrote: “The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the state . . . . Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of bourgeois production.” Over half a century, the question of the meaning of equality and its connection to liberty came to turn entirely around a definition understood to require the equalization of property through forceful re-appropriation.

In this country, as the argument against socialism and communism gathered force, the battle was explicitly cast as a contest between equality and liberty by thinkers such as William Graham Sumner, the late 19th-century chair of political economy at Yale University. He wrote in an argument against socialism: “Let it be understood that we cannot go outside of this alternative: liberty, inequality, survival of the fittest; not-liberty, equality, survival of the unfittest.”

By the Cold War, both communists and libertarians structured their ideas, to an important degree, around the tenet that there is “an Eternal Conflict” between liberty and equality, to quote the title of a 1960 article from the Freeman, a publication of the Foundation for Economic Education. Iconic thinkers on the right adopted the theme and built economic theories around it: Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman. But liberals and thinkers on the left — Isaiah Berlin, John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin — also assumed a basic opposition between liberty and equality, even if they sought to undo it.

The stakes of this conceptual error are significant. We might, for instance, view our partisan gridlock as the sad result of a conceptual error applied over long duration. The Democratic Party, which now wears the mantle of equality — if any party does — thinks it cannot in a full-throated way befriend liberty. The Republican Party, which wants to style itself the party of liberty, thinks it can give no quarter to equality. But these ideals belong together like hand and glove. If the command economy was an extreme political form, so too is the libertarian counter-vision.

It’s now 25 years since the Berlin Wall fell — long past time, in other words, to dismantle the second wall established by a putative opposition between liberty and equality. We are overdue for a return to the task of ascertaining how those two concepts work in tandem, and what institutional forms can best sustain them as the twinned ideals that they are.

Our own political tradition gives us the resources for doing that, beginning with the Declaration of Independence. I would urge us all to renew our education there, diving afresh into the meaning of equality, and discovering just how it can live harmoniously  with liberty.

Reminder–Conference Call at 7 pm EST Today

Join us and as we explore

Our Declaration:

A Reading of the Declaration of Independence

in Defense of Equality

 with Danielle Allen


Tonight, Sunday

October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

Can the Declaration Develop

Compromise vs. Principle: Can the Declaration Develop?

Some thoughts by Dr. Jessie Fields

Studying the development and formation of the early documents of our country as Dr. Danielle Allen does in her exceptionally revealing and accessible book, Our Declaration, for me exposes the roots of what is a very deep and long term historical flaw in our democracy: factional compromise by political leaders that leaves no room for ordinary people to come together and develop new approaches.

We know that both the founding documents of America: the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution compromised on the question of slavery. The compromise of “the pursuit of happiness” rather than “property” in the Declaration was a victory for the anti-slavery faction. The removal of Thomas Jefferson’s strongly worded condemnation of slavery from the final version of the Declaration was a victory for the pro-slavery forces in the country.


Dr. Jessie Fields

During the abolitionist movement African American leaders such as Frederick Douglass argued that the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution were anti-slavery documents, others such as William Lloyd Garrison argued that these documents were pro-slavery. A very heated and consequential debate took place over this question and led to many abolitionists participating in the formation of independent anti-slavery parties such as the Liberty Party. Diverse independent parties of small farmers, abolitionists, free soilers, “Know Nothing Party” members, and free Blacks eventually became wholly subsumed under the Republican Party and the Democratic Party dominated the slave holding states.

The tug of war of divided factions pulling for their respective interests has become calcified in the structure of the two major parties. Partisan interests and winning at all costs have become the dominant features of American politics in a stagnant top down system that cannot address the social and economic crisis we face.

The independent political movement is growing to take on the task of transforming our political process so that we the people can develop our democracy and create new ways of coming together.

We might discuss with Dr. Allen what she thinks about the question of whether those compromises on slavery weakened the integrity of the Declaration as a document that is fundamentally based on linking equality and freedom.



Reminder  Tomorrow is our 

Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

A Few Thoughts About Our Declaration

Although Our Declaration is nominally about how the Declaration of Independence was written, it is also about how the American Revolution was produced.

Allen’s account shows the American Revolution was not an idealistic or utopian whim, but a political choice that the colonists made, in the first instance, because the government of King George had, quite literally, ceased to function in the American colonies.  Whatever else it was, the revolution was a pragmatic response to the threat of social and political chaos.

Lou Hinman, Center

Her examination of “democratic writing” is thought provoking.  Can we imagine our current political representatives in Washington cooperating in a task of magnitude comparable to the Declaration of Independence?  No way!  Democratic writing is one of the many complex organizing tasks that are only possible when people are struggling with all their might to create something new together.

For these reasons, I think Our Declaration is significant for the independent political movement.  Have not the vast majority of our nominal political leaders ceased also to carry out the functions of government?  Have they not ceased to work together for the good of the commonwealth?  The independent movement is a revolution in the making — a non-violent one — to restore the collective creativity of the American people.

Lou Hinman
New York City

Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

Listen to the Declaration

As we prepare for our conversation with Danielle Allen, I wanted to offer this recording of the Declaration of Independence.  It runs for just over 10 minutes. The Declaration is a remarkably short document at 1,137 words.

As you listen, be thinking of your questions for Dr. Allen.  What lessons does the Declaration hold for us today?  What have you been thinking about Dr. Allen’s thesis, put forth at the start of her book– “Equality and liberty–these are the summits of human empowerment; they are the twinned foundations of democracy.   What fragile foundations they are!”



Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

The Facets of Equality

The Case for Equality

A Review by Anthony Del Signore

In contemporary political jargon the word equality almost becomes pejorative. Some argue that equality is synonymous with social justice and should be superseded by individualism. In this interpretation, we are all endowed with “equality of opportunity” in which we are all lined up at the starting line and due to our faculties and talents we will either succeed or fail. Others make the claim that the United States should do more to alleviate inequality – a term almost universally applicable to economics. Neither claim is made by Danielle Allen in Our Declaration: A Reading of the Declaration of Independence in Defense of Equality. Instead she focuses exclusively on equality in a political sense. In her nearly 300 page tract, she delves into the intricacies of who the founders were, how they came to choose the words that we see today, and how their ideas manifest themselves in those words. Specifically, she makes the argument that the 1,337 words written in the Declaration of Independence succinctly make the argument for equal political empowerment.

Anthony Del Signore

Anthony Del Signore

She reaches this conclusion through a painstaking reading and re-reading of the Declaration, taking each word and digesting its meaning, its context, and its placement among the other words. She makes particular note of the Declaration’s punctuation. The use of dashes versus periods, commas versus colons, all are meticulously accounted for. All of a sudden a hyphen becomes a necessary transitional mark, allowing the Declaration to flow from the individual to the collective. It is akin to a skilled painter, carefully calculating each brush stroke, framing them in the greater picture he or she is about to create. Allen is the skilled painter in this sense and we are merely guests in her art gallery. What we are viewing is a striking portrait of the Declaration’s “Five Facets of Equality” which become particularly clear if we were only to give the Declaration the time it deserves. The five facets are brilliant in their simplicity and so rich in meaning despite their brevity.

The first facet of equality is simply that the colonies and Great Britain are both sovereign. Sovereignty is a novel concept denoting not only freedom and independence but equality with other sovereigns. Thus, the United States can stand side by side with Great Britain as brothers and sisters in the international community. But, what ensures the United States’ sovereignty? Perhaps a better question: what ensures the continuation of government? Just look at the language of the Declaration, according to Allen. “We hold these truths to be self-evident… – That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Thus, the individual is politically empowered and equal in his or her own ability to dissolve the government if it cannot secure these rights which are self-evident. Therefore, the United States and Great Britain are both equal in their duties to the people to protect their rights with the consent of the governed.

The second facet of equality ties well into the first and creates a syllogism, as Allen rightly points out, between the individual and the collective.  This second facet is that “all men are created equal.” It is a simple, yet powerful statement. This statement goes beyond equality of opportunity, despite what many politicos assert. It again reaches into the domain of equal political empowerment. We are equal to use government as a tool for securing our happiness. We have equal capacity to look upon our communities and change as we deem necessary. Why would the Declaration bring this up? Although Allen does not go into it, it seems that this point is an argument for unity. Not unity in the sense that every colonist is for independence. The Founders knew quite well that was not the case. Rather, unity in that this principle of equality is accepted, everyone’s voices can be heard, grievances aired, and a political consensus can be had. This is not possible under the shackles of oppression the British Crown had on the colonists.

The third facet of equality Allen calls “epistemic egalitarianism,” also known as the “potluck method.” In this the Founders relied upon extensive networks of common people to relay their everyday lives and how those lives were affected by colonial oppression. Through these communications, a list of grievances was created. This list compromise 18 “facts” – as Allen rightly calls them – which “paint the portrait of a tyrant.” But these facts are not haphazard; they are meticulously chosen and worded. They prove political points on how government ought to be administered. Perhaps Allen herself says it most succinctly: “we can strengthen our individual and collective capacity to analyze the relation between present and future by drawing everyone into the work of understanding the course of human events.”

The fourth facet is the idea of “reciprocal responsiveness” – or, equality in relationships among participants. In this, the colonists are asking for redress for past wrongs committed against them (the list of grievances), only to have the door figuratively shut in their face. How can freedom be secured without dialogue? It simply cannot. Thus equality and freedom are tied inextricably together as freedom for the individual is tied to equality as a collective. Once again Allen makes it clear: equal political empowerment is what she means by equality.

The final facet of equality is, I believe, the most important. We all have equal ownership of the political order in which we live. We have equal opportunity to participate, to vote, to speak, to write, to petition, to protest, to run for office, to do a whole host of things which improve our collective community and our individual lives. It is romantic in its imagery yet startling in its implications. A single mother of four has as much political power as the Koch brothers (in theory). Perhaps this equality is the one in which contemporary society has forgotten the most. Since Citizens United, and even before that going back to the ‘70s, money in politics skews our ability to equally participate in our political order. Even more striking is the sheer inequality between partisans and non-partisans. In an overwhelming number of elections nationwide the vote of the non-partisan is meaningless as elections are decided well before the general election. While Democrats and Republicans shut out the vote of the non-partisan, a skewed and frankly inaccurate picture of the electorate is formed. In a political sense, non-partisans are treated as second class citizens. This broken system leads inevitably to the injustices the Founders were trying to rid themselves of. This being said, it is quite clear that our political system does not subscribe wholeheartedly to the idea of equal political ownership. Nevertheless, on the local level equality of participation is alive and well. Any one of us can participate on community boards, in town hall meetings, and serve in an elected capacity. This I do not believe will ever change and is a testament to the Declaration’s assertion of equal political ownership.

Allen’s book brings to light an argument lost in the political vacuum created when anyone brings up the Founding Fathers. Most use the Founders’ language as a call to their specific ideology, when in reality, the Founders probably would not agree with that ideology. They were radicals of their time, yet steadfast in their mission. Disgusted with the old political order, these men set out to blaze a trail for a new and independent people; a people whose principles are based upon… equality.

Anthony Del Signore is a senior at Pace University studying political science.  He has worked in countless political offices and is currently an intern with the New York City Organizations of the Independence Party. Anthony is also a frequent contributor to IVN.


Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

The Washington Post Reviews Our Declaration

Book review: ‘Our Declaration,’ by Danielle Allen

     June 26, 2014

In this algorithmic age of quants, wonks and hackers, where statistics and big data take all the credit for explaining the world, Danielle Allen, a political philosopher at the Institute of Advanced Studies, rolls back the numbers to the mere 1,337 words written by our founding fathers and reminds us that words matter, too.

In “Our Declaration,” she applies a geek’s gaze to America’s core text and shows how our founding fathers declared their independence from England in the most spare and carefully chosen of words. Although briefly stated, the declaration brims with large ideas crafted by deliberate and principled men who took on what appeared to be a lost cause. Having exhausted all other means of trying to reason with the tyrannical King George III, they were left with no choice but to break their bond with England.

One idea that is central to Allen’s book is the role of equality in the declaration. In the sound-bite-driven, cliche-laden conversations of our present age, equality, as it appears in the declaration, has been neglected and misapplied. The founding fathers had a clear vision for what they expected of democratic governance. And what they extolled, and what Allen trumpets like a good soldier in the Continental Army, was a co-dependent relationship between equality and freedom — neither was more important than the other.

Yet today freedom permeates our public discourse like an obsession, while equality is regarded as a bastard stepchild of the revolutionary age. Everyone purports to know the meaning of freedom; few have any idea how to comprehend equality, much less apply it. Allen points out, however, that only through equality — and how it elevates the dignity of ordinary people — could the colonies have mustered the intellectual and emotional mettle to finally break free from the crown.

This book sets out to debunk the notion that freedom alone is the supreme virtue arising from the declaration. In doing so, it restores equality to the level of importance it once shared with freedom as equal partners in the revolution that gave birth to a nation. And Allen does not fail to address the limits of what equality meant to these founding white-skinned, land-owning fathers.

Most people have never read the Declaration of Independence all the way through. What passes for generally accepted cocktail-party trivia is that Thomas Jefferson wrote the document, that it says something about “all men being created equal,” and that people have the “inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” — whatever that means.

“Our Declaration” is a primer on all we have been missing. First, Jefferson was not the sole author. There were many contributors to this evolving document, including the man who inscribed the words on the parchment and the female publisher of the broadside that brought these fiery words to the people. Each made stylistic changes to the declaration that were not in Jefferson’s original.

Indeed, the Committee of Five — Jefferson and the other authors, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert Livingston — proved that sometimes having too many cooks in the kitchen can result in the perfect revolutionary meal. What Jefferson delivered was treated as a most malleable first draft. It was edited down considerably and stripped of the Lord of Monticello’s flowery, hyperventilated language. God was added ; the condemnation of slavery was removed. No one can truly claim authorship of the declaration, which is a good thing, to Allen’s mind, since it represented the important first step in the functioning of a new government committed to democratic ideals.

Even those members of the Continental Congress who were not among the declaration’s collaborative authors nonetheless participated in spirited debates and procedural dealmaking about what should go into the document. In contrast to the fractitiousness and coarsened debate of today’s Congress, our founding fathers created a precedent for political consensus-building at its most elegant and refined.

“The art of democratic writing supports the development of collective intelligence and does not seek credit. It does not know intellectual pride,” Allen writes. “The Declaration succeeded, and succeeds still, because it took on the task of explaining why this quantity of talk, this heap of procedures, these lists of committees, and this much hard-won agreement — such a maddening quantity of group writing — are necessary for justice.”

Allen knows a little about how group learning can enrich the minds of a community. Indeed, “Our Declaration” developed in somewhat the same way that the founding fathers assembled the actual declaration. For years Allen taught the declaration to privileged college students during the day and students with financial and family challenges at night. What better way to experience the majesty of the declaration, and glean its deeper meanings, than to read it closely, surrounded by citizens of varying backgrounds all representing the polity of 21st-century America? Her class was a collective exercise of getting inside the heads of men of the Enlightened 18th century by parsing their precise words. The stakes were far less fraught, to be sure, but in its own way Allen’s dissection of the declaration matched those exhilarating and transformative early sessions of the Continental Congress.

“Our Declaration” is not just an invaluable civics lesson but also a poignant personal memoir. Allen, her family and her students are characters in a post-American Revolution tale. The professor learned the mysteries of the declaration with the aid of her students, seeing in them the very embodiment of what the founding fathers wished to bequeath to future generations of Americans.

With a light touch that does nothing to conceal her civic fervor, Allen is an evangelist for this romantic moment in American history when men of uncommon vision and political deftness stated their case and listed their grievances against the most powerful nation on Earth.

Thane Rosenbaum , a novelist, essayist and law professor at New York University, is the director of the Forum on Law, Culture & Society and the author, most recently, of “Payback: The Case for Revenge.”


Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

An Unusual Book-A review by Harry Kresky

Our Declaration is an unusual book in many ways. The author, Danielle Allen, an African American woman, insists that the Declaration of Independence is a bold statement about equality despite its failure to address the fact that slavery was a critical feature of the American economy or the subservient status of women. The European colonists considered Native Americans “merciless Indian savages” to use the Declaration’s own words. Allen’s book is a close reading of the text and seeks to find its meaning there with limited reference to historical context.

Harry Kresky, General Counsel to

Harry Kresky, General Counsel to

Allen sees the Declaration as a profound example of “democratic writing.” The document began with a directive from the Continental Congress to a committee to set forth the reasons why the colonies declared their independence from Great Britain. Thomas Jefferson wrote the first draft, which the committee then edited. The committee’s draft was presented to the Congress, which went through it line by line so that the final text gave unanimous expression to the perspective of a group whose members, despite favoring independence, differed on many other issues, most particularly the issue of slavery. Allen notes that there are several published versions that differ in some details (such as punctuation). At least one of these differences gives rise to divergent meanings. Yet the document is remarkable for its eloquence, clarity, and logical structure.

This method of writing has particular relevance to the independent political movement, which brings together people from many different backgrounds with many different points of view in pursuit of a common goal – the structural reform of our electoral system which, like the dominion of Great Britain over the 13 American colonies, is less and less representative of the American people.

Allen focuses on what she calls “political equality,” the belief that each human being has the right and the responsibility to contribute to the governing process as best he or she can. No one person is more privileged or has more rights in this regard. This notion of equality must reckon with the obvious inequalities in America, then and now. What does this notion mean in a country in which racial, educational, and economic inequality are so pronounced?  I look forward to our discussion with Allen on this point. We might ask her how this notion of equality squares with today’s hyper-partisanship and the significant disparities in the access people have to the process of choosing our representatives and impacting on how they govern.


Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

Dr. Allen on Political Equality

I hope you will enjoy watching this video conversation of Dr. Danielle Allen and Christopher Phillips, a Senior Education Fellow at the National Constitution Center.  Their dialogue took place on June 27, 2014 at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia.  It is a rich exploration of the book, the issue of political equality in the Declaration of Independence, the current political dysfunction in the country and much more.  A great prelude for our dialogue with Dr. Allen in just 8 days.

Here is one of my favorite quotes from Danielle Allen in this conversation:

“…you need political institutions that do empower everybody to contribute to the public conversation about how collectively we can build institutions that make sure we have our safety and happiness together.”


Midway through their conversation, there is an interesting exchange. In response to Christopher Phillips question about the woefully dysfunctional political system in the US today and whether we need a new kind of declaration, Dr. Allen talks about need for the American people to invest in fixing our process and re-engage in the political process.  She goes on to talk about our primaries.  Something Politics for the People members are very interested in!  Here is what she had to say:

“…the folks who vote most in primaries are the people who are also the most polarized with regard to their political opinion.  If we want to moderate our politics, if we want to restore the center, if we want to restore our capacity for compromise, what we really need to do is maximize turn out in primaries.”

I am looking forward to sharing with Dr. Allen the independent movement’s work to democratize our primaries and to break down the barriers erected by the two parties to the full participation by independent voters–now 42% of Americans– in those primaries.




Book Club Conference Call with Danielle Allen

Sunday, October 19th at 7 pm EST

Call in number 805 399-1200

Access code 767775#

Politics for the People in the News

Increasing ‘Political Literacy’:

How Book Clubs Produce an Informed Electorate


Oct 7, 2014          By Anthony Del Signore

Informed voters are a dying breed. In an era of mass media consumption where partisan demagoguery rules the airwaves, it is tough to have a discussion on an issue without it devolving into talking points the average politico can repeat ad nauseam. This inevitably seeps into and devolves the American political process, a process once lauded for its malleability (as there can be different “flavors” of Democrats and Republicans for each individual), but is now as rigid and divided as ever.

The average American will not flip the television channel between Chris Matthews on MSNBC to Bill O’Reilly on Fox News to see what the other side is saying, so misrepresentation of the opposing side abounds.

Furthermore, the fundamental workings of government are not an important facet of middle school and high school education. One might get the basic idea of how a bill becomes a law and how often an official is up for re-election. However, if one wants to know how committees are set up and operated, who chooses to sit on these committees, and what a filibuster is and how it works, one would have to take it upon themselves to learn this information.

Thus, people do not understand why Republicans and Democrats are so entrenched in the political process that a governmental structure without them seems unimaginable.


Our political literacy is suffering, our ability to debate and reach compromise is suffering, and our understanding of the basic tenants of government is almost nonexistent. One solution is found in alternate forms of education, particularly in the tried-and-true institution of book clubs.

Since the invention of the printing press, book clubs, or literary societies, have remained popular among the reformed and educated. Once born out of necessity due to astronomical book prices, book clubs are now for those who perhaps want guidance on what the popular books of our time are, different perspectives on one piece, or a chance to socialize between like-minded book lovers.

Nevertheless, one book club is challenging the norm of sitting down in a living room and socializing over romantic contemporary novels or American classics.

Politics for the People, an online book club stationed in Lower Manhattan and sponsored by, tackles important political questions of the day, such as the case for equality in the Declaration of Independence and the effects of the Jim Crow south on contemporary society.

Politics for the People began in 2012 with a mission to give a voice to independent-minded individuals frustrated with partisan bickering and one-track mindedness. Since then, the groups has become a huge success with monthly conference calls featuring such esteemed speakers as Isabel Wilkerson and Danielle Allen.

The conference calls include people from various walks of life: from political candidates to health care physicians to academics and college and high school students. It is an approachable and light-hearted atmosphere with a dedication to serious debate and discussion.

For example, the conversation with Isabel Wilkerson, author of The Warmth of Other Suns, made me research and better understand the Great Migration and its effects on African-Americans today.

One quote from the conference call stood out to me:

“[African-Americans are] the only group of people who actually had to act like immigrants to be recognized as citizens in their own country.”

While we have come a long way since the Jim Crow south, Wilkerson wants us to understand that we still have a long way to go. Rising inequality, lack of adequate education, and lack of job training are just a few examples of the struggles many African-Americans go through every day.

It would have been unlikely for me to concentrate on this aspect of history if it was not for Politics for the People. This book club has helped me expand my horizons and tackle works that I either did not know existed or at the time I did not find interesting.

Thus, the political literacy of the average American would be better off with more book clubs such as Politics for the People. To engage in heavy debate and discussion about the nuances of historical and contemporary societal and political issues is something all Americans who vote should do.

In fact, it is something most Americans should want to do. So the next time someone wanders into a voting booth on Election Day, I hope they are well-informed of the issues of the day, the historical and contemporary context of the debates raging between the two (or more) candidates, and are confident enough they are making the right choice.


  About the Author  Anthony Del Signore:  I am currently a senior at Pace University studying in the Political Science department.
Anthony Del SignoreI have worked in countless political offices and have joined forces with the Independence Party of New York City to work towards opening private, partisan primaries to all voters.
  • Independent Lens

  • Enter your email address to follow this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.

    Join 353 other followers

  • Featured Links

  • Categories

  • Facebook

  • Links